Friday, November 27, 2015

Former Premier's memoir fails to tell the real Liberal legacy


OTTAWA, ON – On the eve of former Liberal Premier Dalton McGuinty releasing his memoir, Daniel Dickin, author of Liars: The McGuinty-Wynne Record, released the following statement:

“Appropriately titled Making a Difference, former Liberal Premier McGuinty attempts to self-congratulate himself and spin his record as something that was positive and good for Ontarians,” said Dickin.

“In reality, the McGuinty Liberal policies were disastrous for Ontarians. It is ironic that McGuinty would title his autobiography Making a Difference. He has indeed made a difference – the difference he’s made is overwhelmingly negative and destructive, hijacking Ontario from a time of prosperity, jobs, and low taxes, for a decade of massive job losses, constant tax hikes, and scandal after scandal after scandal.”

“Making a Difference comes late to the market. For the past 18 months, Liars: The McGuinty-Wynne Record, has already been available, telling the cold truths of Dalton McGuinty’s legacy as Ontario’s Premier. As the first and only book that takes a critical and truthful look at the McGuinty legacy, Liars tells the story of a once-great province ruined under a decade of Liberal rule.

“Ontarians should never forget the McGuinty legacy. And they should never forget that these destructive policies are continuing to be implemented and enforced by the current Liberal administration. Premier Kathleen Wynne has continued the McGuinty legacy. That’s why it’s called the McGuinty-Wynne Record.”


Liars: The McGuinty-Wynne Record is published by Freedom Press Canada. It was released in 2014 and remains the only book on the market that examines the McGuinty Liberals’ record. It is available on or direct from the publisher.

Quick Facts
·         Provincial debt has more than doubled, from $138.8 billion in 2003 to over $288.1 billion in 2013-2014
·         At approximately $10.56 billion per year, interest on that debt is the third-largest expense, behind only health care and education.
·         Ontario has lost approximately 300,000 manufacturing jobs under the Liberals’ watch.
·         The Liberals wasted $1 billion through eHealth’s repeatedly-failed attempts to create electronic health records
·         The Liberals were responsible for the ineffective and incompetent management of Ornge, Ontario’s air ambulance service which reports to the Minister of Health. The scandal included shady dealings with Liberal insiders and abuse of taxpayers’ money. The Liberal minister responsible, Deb Matthews, maintained the support of Premier McGuinty and continues to enjoy the support of Premier Wynne.
·         In his memoir, McGuinty continues to stand by the $1.1 billion decision to cancel the gas plants in Mississauga and Oakville, claiming public servants got it wrong and it was up to the Liberals to correct the error.
·         The Ontario Liberals are under a disturbing number of police investigations for potential criminal activity. These include:
o   Police investigation into the Ornge scandal
o   Charges laid and further police investigations ongoing over the alleged bribery of an election candidate by senior Liberal officials[1]
o   Police investigation into whether deleting emails surrounding the gas plant scandal was a criminal cover-up[2]
·         The Liberals are implementing an expensive and unnecessary Ontario Pension Plan, which forcibly takes money from Ontarians with no choice of how to invest or manage their own money.
·         The Liberals are implementing yet another tax grab by allowing municipalities to charge a land transfer tax on top of the same tax already charged by the province. This has been roundly criticized by industry professionals and would add over $4600 to the average Ontario home purchase.[3]

Initial reviews of Making a Difference:
Making a Difference is shot through with self-congratulation for various “gut-” and “heart”-based decisions.”

“The inoffensive, principled, feel-your-pain image McGuinty cultivated was enough for him to muddle and meddle through a decade in government. But it was a fraud.”

“It is remarkable to come face to face with someone so utterly convinced of his own idealism, or so cynical as to insist upon it, so soon after he irrefutably demonstrated his lack of it — by squandering billions of dollars for a few seats the Liberals would probably have won anyway, proroguing the legislature to derail inquiries into same, and summarily resigning to watch the various police investigations unfold from afar.”

– Chris Selley, National Post[4]

Wednesday, November 4, 2015

What’s in a name? Cabinet positions and name changes show which ministries will deliver on Liberals’ priority areas

Published for the Prince Arthur Herald

Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and his cabinet have been sworn in. Ahead of this Prime Minister and these new ministers are weeks of departmental briefings on their current statuses, which areas will need the personal attention of the minister to get things done, and how the department plans to implement the new government’s vision.

Trudeau promised a leaner cabinet, which meant some ministries were on the chopping block to be eliminated, or, more likely, amalgamated with another ministry or group of ministries. Just as interesting as who was named is what those new cabinet ministers’ titles are, since it demonstrates the Liberal government’s likely priority areas for the coming weeks and months.

Cabinet titles changed:
·         Minister of the Environment becomes Minister of the Environment and Climate Change
·         Minister of Citizenship and Immigration becomes Minister of Immigration, Refugees, and Citizenship.
·         Minister of Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development (which only recently saw its title changed from Indian Affairs) is now the Minister of Indigenous and Northern Affairs.
·         Minister of Democratic Reform is now Minister of Democratic Institutions.
·         Minister of Fisheries and Oceans is now Minister of Fisheries and Oceans and the Canadian Coast Guard.
·         Minister of Public Works and Government Services is now Minister of Public Services.
·         Minister of Human Resources and Skills Development is now Minister of Families, Children, and Social Development as well as another Minister of Employment Workforce Development and Labour.

Cabinet positions removed:
·         There is no Minister for Official Languages. This position was formerly held by Conservative Minister Shelly Glover.
·         There is no Minister for Multiculturalism. This position was formerly held by Conservative Minister Jason Kenney.
·         There is no Minister of Industry. This position was formerly held by Conservative Minister James Moore.
·         There is no Minister of Western Economic Diversification. This position was formerly held by Conservative Minister Michelle Rempel.
·         There no longer appear to be any regional Economic Development Agencies.

Other items worth noting:
·         There appear to be two science ministers, with one (Kirsty Duncan) being named as the Minister of Science and another (Navdeep Bains) being named as the Minister of Innovation, Science, and Economic Development.
·         No Leader of the Government in the Senate was named in today’s cabinet. Senate Liberals have already publicly complained that without a Senate Leader, the Senate would rudderless. The Senate Leader helps usher legislation through the Senate.

There is plenty of analysis that can (and will) go into what these name changes mean for Canada’s federal government. Much more can be read into the positions than what they literally mean: ministers’ titles at the highest level of government also demonstrate the government’s core priorities and focuses in those ministries.

One of the most obvious shifts is away from the Minister of Democratic Reform to Minister of Democratic Institutions. Reform was focused on, well, reform – changing the system and structures of democracy. The new Minister will be focused on those systems and structures – not necessarily changing them. That’s an important difference.

Another is the addition of “refugees” to the Minister of Citizenship and Immigration’s title. Of course, refugees already were being processed by the immigration department, so there is no change to what the department is doing. But it is an important distinction to make, especially since the Alan Kurdi tragedy made Canada’s refugee system a major topic of the election campaign. As well, numerous former senior immigration officials and non-profit immigration NGOs have called the Liberals’ pledge to accept 25,000 refugees “problematic.” The new minster has been given “refugees” in his title to politely remind him that fulfilling this promise will be one of his first and most important priorities.

Adding the Coast Guard to the Ministry of Fisheries and Oceans is nothing new, since it already falls under that same ministry. However, it may show that the Coast Guard will be a particular focus for the new government, perhaps in a new sovereignty role in Northern Canada. To demonstrate a “new” focus on environmental protection, they may also be given additional powers to enforce environmental regulations along Canada’s coasts.

Likewise, naming a Minister of the Environment and Climate Change is redundant – I doubt anyone would question which ministry should tackle climate change if not the environment ministry – but it shows that the Liberal government is placing a particular emphasis on addressing climate change. This is especially important since Prime Minister Trudeau and his new Environment and Climate Change Minister will spend most of the next month abroad discussing international climate change treaties and the role each country will play.

But a smaller cabinet also comes at the cost of giving each minister more responsibilities. For example, the Conservatives had a Minister of Labour (Kellie Leitch) as well as a Minister for Human Resources and Skills Development (Pierre Poilievre). (Poilievre’s position was formerly titled Social Development until it was re-named Skills Development in 2013, and a junior minister – Candice Bergen – became responsible to Poilievre for Social Development.) The Liberals have a Minister of Employment Workforce Development and Labour as well as a Minister of Families, Children, and Social Development.

It seems fairly obvious that the latter will be responsible for implementing Trudeau’s new “tax reductions” for “middle-class” families. What is less obvious is how the old ministries will be divided between these new responsibilities. For example, the Liberals’ changes dilute the relative power of the “labour” part of the portfolio: labour issues will only be one of this minister’s responsibilities, as she also works to “develop” the “employment workforce.” As well, the Minister of Human Resources and Skills Development was in charge of Service Canada, but with the Liberals naming a “Public Services” Minister, to whom will Service Canada report? This might seem like a minor question at first, but the diverse differences between services to the public (Service Canada) versus the provision of internal government services (Public Works and Government Services Canada) would be difficult for one minister to oversee.

Finally is the uncertain future of the regional Economic Development Agencies. These six agencies gave federal representation to Canada’s regions – Atlantic, Quebec, Northern Canada, Southern Ontario, Northern Ontario, and the West – each with a junior minister. These ministers were responsible for the representation and development of these regions, which usually meant federal infrastructure money. Without these ministers, will it fall to regional ministers with other portfolios to lobby for their provinces? And where will their staff go?

Part of the answer may lie in the weeks ahead. It is possible that some new sub-departments may be created, and this is where some other senior government positions may be announced. Each of these new ministers will require a Parliamentary Secretary (or a Secretary of State if Trudeau returns to the Chretien-era titles) to assist their minister with responsibilities in the House of Commons. Under Harper, they were often also given departmental responsibilities for a Crown corporation or strategic part of that ministry (for example, Jeff Watson being responsible for Canada Post). These positions are also important to watch, since some of the former cabinet positions may creep back in as junior portfolios.

Canada is still likely a few weeks away from a Speech from the Throne, where the Governor General will formally read out the Trudeau government’s priorities. But if you’re looking for an early hint, you can start with these new cabinet titles.

Wednesday, July 8, 2015

New book exposes Justin Trudeau's Liberal Party in time for fall election

A new book has just been released into the Canadian marketplace, and it's a must-read for all voters before this fall's federal election. The Dauphin: The Truth about Justin Trudeau is authored by Paul Tuns and looks at the record of the Liberal Party since Trudeau became leader in 2013.

Tuns starts with a brief review of Justin’s father, Pierre Trudeau, to illustrate defining moments in Pierre’s time as Prime Minister that influenced and shaped a young Justin. We are told of the sharp-witted and intelligent man, but also someone who mocked Canadians and soldiers by riding around town in a German army uniform, flaunting his dodging of the draft. We learn about Pierre’s arrogance and a vague “just society” premise to explain away everything his government did, at any cost. Tuns clearly read many mind-numbing pieces of literature to research his book, such as Justin Trudeau’s biography.

Tuns then turns to the fall of the Liberal Party and the “election” of Justin Trudeau a generation after his father had left office. Liberals have a way of anointing rather than electing their leaders – turning to a saviour to help them turn a new page, often with the result of sowing deep internal divides, which might help explain why so many Liberals have been tolerant of Trudeau’s constant screw ups since being elected as a Liberal MP in 2008 and becoming leader in 2013.

A central point of Tuns' book is that Trudeau is not serious about becoming Prime Minister – that he's using his pedigree for something to do, knowing he can return to lucrative speaking gigs (or maybe teach at Harvard, like disgraced Liberal leaders Dalton McGuinty and Michael Ignatieff). Indeed, Trudeau's history makes this plausible: he was a teacher for a few years but quit to begin an engineering degree, but quit to become a Masters student in the Environmental Geography program, but quit so he could tour the country giving speeches. (Trudeau would make $1.3 million between 2006 and 2009 for giving speeches, including while he was a sitting Member of Parliament.) This is not to say that teachers and motivational speakers should be restricted from pursuing elected office, but it is telling that Trudeau did not seek more significant experience before running for the job of Prime Minister.

Another important point in Tuns' book is that Trudeau can no longer be dismissed as a policy lightweight - as an “unbearably light” one-trick-pony whose only idea is to legalize marijuana. Indeed, Trudeau has made public proclamations on many other policies – it's just that those policies aren't that good, are not well thought through, and Trudeau offers little detail when asked:

  • He laughably promises “open nominations,” despite the fact that at least a dozen Liberal nominations have been called into question for direct interference by Liberal officials or Trudeau himself. That includes an Ottawa nomination where the police were called in to elect Trudeau’s preferred candidate.
  • He claims to want to help the middle class, yet can’t define who the middle class is.
  • He complained that the Conservatives were supporting Ukraine against Russian aggression and invasion, but would not articulate what he would do differently.
  • He complained the Conservatives were not investing enough money in infrastructure, but would not say exactly where the Conservatives’ $33 billion infrastructure budget should have gone.
  • He famously said that “growing the economy” would mean the “budget will balance itself,” but would not offer specifics on how he would grow the economy.
  • He has no policy on oil pipelines, whether they should or should not be used, and where they should go. Trudeau supports projects such as the Keystone XL pipeline, but blames the Conservative government for the American delay in approving or denying the project. He opposes other projects, often finding a way to blame the Conservatives.
  • As a self-proclaimed environmentalist, he railed against “the capitalist machine” but later adopted more moderate rhetoric, admitting he “wouldn’t last two weeks in office” with his far-left beliefs.
  • He makes vague claims that Canada should develop its resources “sustainably” and “responsibly,” but will not say what he would change about the Conservatives’ current approach.
  • He has continually supported a carbon tax, the same proposal that defeated former Liberal leaders Stephane Dion and Michael Ignatieff. He has made it part of the Liberals’ 2015 platform.
  • He has eliminated conscience votes for his current Members of Parliament, telling them and prospective candidates that they all must be in favour of abortion. This drew heavy criticism from Trudeau’s own Catholic church, including a call for Trudeau to be kicked out of the church for going against his faith.
  • He has mocked women with a sexist “Ladies’ Night” that proposed “tough” questions like “what’s your favourite virtue?” and “who are your real-life heroes?” When he was asked a real question (which country besides Canada do you most admire?) by a woman who wasn’t there for Trudeau’s nice hair, Trudeau infamously quipped China, “because their basic dictatorship is allowing them to turn the economy around on a dime.”
  • He says putting criminals in jail is taking “the easy way out,” but would not give a Liberal plan to better rehabilitate criminals. He says he would repeal mandatory minimum sentences and the mandatory victims’ surcharge, which is used to help support victims of crime.
  • He initially voted to keep the long-gun registry, but has since downplayed his support for the failed $2 billion policy, claiming he would not bring it back if given the chance.
  • He initially voted to increase penalties for individuals using drugs, including marijuana, but since becoming leader has championed marijuana legalization as one of his core policies.

After reading Tuns’ book, the complete picture of Justin Trudeau is that this person is not ready to become Canada’s Prime Minister, and is likely unfit to even remain in his current position. Tuns concludes with a powerful statement: “One Trudeau was more than enough. There is no reason to risk another.” Easy to read, eye-opening, and well-researched, this book is a must-read before this fall's federal election.

Wednesday, April 22, 2015

Balanced budgets and promises kept: the Conservative record is clear

Yesterday Finance Minister Joe Oliver tabled Economic Action Plan 2015: Strong Leadership: A Balanced Budget, Low-Tax Plan for Jobs, Growth, and Security. This budget is only the latest in a long string of Conservative promises that have been made and kept, a proud record that will be easy to defend with an election only months away.


The budget is balanced with a small $1.4 billion surplus, including a $1 billion contingency. That surplus is projected to grow to $4.8 billion by 2019-2020. Future budgets will be required, by law, to be balanced, but for exceptional circumstances. And in that case, cabinet and the Finance Minister will be required to table a plan to return to balanced budgets within a specific timeline. Canada’s debt will continue to be paid down until a 25 percent debt-to-GDP ratio is achieved.


The majority of the budget is clearly focused on middle-class Canadians, the same group of people Justin Trudeau can’t define but claims to be a part of. Canadians will be able to save more in their Tax-Free Savings Accounts: up to $10,000 per year. Families will be supported with a suite of tax breaks: children under age 6 will receive $160 per month; children between 6 and 17 will receive $60 per month; couples will be able to transfer a portion of their income up to a $2000 benefit per year; and the Child Care Expense Deduction will be increased to $8000. In fact, the average Canadian family of four will save $6600 in taxes between Budget 2015 and all previous Conservative Government initiatives.


On top of the $2.6 billion seniors have received from the Conservatives since 2006, Budget 2015 also pledges $42 million to create the Canadian Centre for Aging and Brain Health Innovation. Compassionate Care Benefits will also be drastically extended from six weeks to six months, allowing families to stay with their loved ones for longer periods of time. Registered Retirement Income Funds (RRIF) rules will be changed to allow seniors more flexibility in choosing when to withdraw their money. And a new Home Accessibility Tax Credit for seniors and persons with disabilities will give a 15 percent tax credit for up to $10,000 of home renovations.


Students will also receive significant support. Young Canadian entrepreneurs will receive $14 million to support their businesses. $184 million will be committed to grants for students in short-term programs. Perhaps most significantly, however, is the $235 million being invested to change the student needs assessment for student loans, allowing students greater access to loans in order to complete their education.


Finally, the environment – which already boasts one of the Conservatives’ strongest track records – continues to receive additional funding. Budget 2015 announced $75 million to implement the Species at Risk Act, $2 million to the Pacific Salmon Foundation, and $10 million for the Recreational Fisheries Conservation Partnerships Program (RFCPP). Those investments are on top of the Conservatives’ $252 million National Conservation Plan – the largest federal investment in Canada’s environment in history.


Not surprisingly, the ink was barely dry before Liberal leader Justin Trudeau pledged to vote against the budget. He also promised to cancel the increased Tax-Free Savings Accounts limit, and rambled something about “middle class.” In response, former Liberal insider Warren Kinsella said Trudeau should stop talking about something he knows nothing about: “He may know how to say those words, but he’s never lived those words.” Kinsella went as far as to label Trudeau as “just visiting the middle class,” just as Michael Ignatieff was just visiting Canada.


Luckily, an overwhelming flood of endorsements of Budget 2015 has largely drowned out the Liberals’ complaints. The Canadian Home Builders Association, the Canadian Alliance of Student Associations, the University of Calgary, the Canadian Nurses Association, the Canadian Federation of Business, the Federation of Canadian Municipalities, Music Canada, the Intellectual Property Institute of Canada, and dozens more all support Budget 2015. Credit unions, chambers of commerce, boards of trade, and local mayors and councillors are in favour of Budget 2015. Even former Liberal cabinet ministers are off-side with Trudeau’s complaints. It seems the only organizations against such a great budget are the New Democrats and Liberals themselves.


But if those endorsements are not enough, Canadians should take to reading the budget for themselves, seeing how the Opposition always likes to feign outrage over not knowing what’s in the budget.


With an elections less than six months away, Canadians and their families will have to ask themselves why they would choose the New Democrats’ and Liberals’ plans to raise taxes over the Conservative Government’s fulfilled promises.

Sunday, April 19, 2015

Ontario Liberal scandals continue to pile up with no sign of slowing down

One year ago, Liars: The McGuinty-Wynne Record was released. Liars is a compelling narrative on how the McGuinty-Wynne Liberals run Ontario. It is the only book on the market – positive or negative – that seeks to define and explain the Ontario Liberals’ record of mismanagement under Dalton McGuinty and Kathleen Wynne.

Also one year later, the Liberals have given us no shortage of continued scandals and mismanagement to report. In fact, on several occasions now I’ve been asked how big the second edition of Liars will have to be to account for Kathleen Wynne’s legacy. It’s funny for a moment, then it’s sad.

As of September 2014, Ontario’s debt is $304.4 billion, an amount that has more than doubled in the 12 years the McGuinty-Wynne Liberals have been in office. That’ll be $22,382 from each Ontarian, please. We pay $10.56 billion every year just to carry that debt, which remains the third-largest budget item, behind only health care and education. And the Liberals plan to add another $26.7 billion to the debt with another three years of deficit spending.

Ontario’s economy continues to struggle. We’ve seen job losses some months and modest job gains others. But despite huge tax increases and a struggling economy, we are still apparently affluent enough to pay for a newly-announced Liberal carbon tax, because, uh, Quebec is doing it too. Don’t worry about the details – Wynne will move very quickly to make you poorer before you even know it. And if you don’t recall the Liberals ever campaigning last year on implementing a carbon tax, you’re right.

The Ontario Provincial Police’s endorsement of the Liberals continues to hang over both organizations’ heads. You may recall that the endorsement came at a time when the police had open investigations into potential Liberal crimes (cancelling gas plants at a massive $1.1 billion public cost for partisan gain and deleting records about cancelling those gas plants). Only recently were three senior-ranking OPP officers (including one who was a Liberal candidate) suspended over shady dealings including fraud, breach of trust, and money laundering. The investigation that led to that arrest was conducted by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP). With such serious accusations and a record of being public bedfellows, one must wonder whether the OPP can ever again be trusted to investigate or comment on anything the Liberal government does.

Or consider the Liberals’ sex education scandal. What is being implemented now is basically the same curriculum that was introduced in 2010. In that year, massive public outcry from thousands of Ontarians caused the Liberals to relent. But now the curriculum has been re-introduced and appears ready to be implemented with pleasure by the Liberals; they have a majority, and you must be homophobic or Conservative if you disagree with their sex agenda.

Ignore, for a moment, the actual curriculum, which is publicly available for anyone to review. The fact that it is being implemented without any consultation with parents is appalling. And then there is that small inconvenient matter of the former Deputy Education Minister Ben Levin (who served under then-Education Minister Kathleen Wynne) recently pleading guilty to child abuse crimes, including making and possessing child pornography and counselling a person to commit a sexual assault. The agreed-upon statement of facts demonstrates Levin’s sick fascination with sexually abusing children, including suggesting to the users of an online incest chatroom that they perform sexual acts on their children and take photos.

Parents are owed every opportunity to give input into how their children are taught at school. That is especially important when the man formerly in charge of the education department has since been convicted of pedophilia. Rather than pledging to review whether a convicted child sex offender had his fingerprints on the Liberals’ sex education agenda, Kathleen Wynne has outrageously dismissed all her critics as “homophobic” or Conservatives.

The Liberals have rampantly abused the parliamentary process. Kathleen Wynne sued two Conservatives for questioning her role in the gas plants scandal. Wynne is also happy to bribe an election candidate with government positions to step aside so her preferred candidate could run and ultimately win in Sudbury (another current OPP investigation). Just last week, when NDP Leader Andrea Horwath asked why the Premier wasn’t showing up to Question Period, she was thrown out of the House by the Liberal Speaker. Yes, really; you can do all of these things in McGuinty-Wynne Ontario when you have a majority government and not a care for what anyone else thinks or says.

Kathleen Wynne had the opportunity to put Ontario back on track, to right the wrongs of almost a decade of mismanagement, scandal, and corruption under Dalton McGuinty. She has only continued Dalton McGuinty’s legacy. Their legacies are one in the same.

For the future of our province, and with the hope of never again repeating the same mistakes, this is a book every Ontarian needs to read. And I hope Ontarians remember this record when Justin Trudeau comes knocking on their doorstep this fall.

Saturday, April 11, 2015

New Democrats’ missteps allow Liberals to continue to get away with vacuous nothingness

Liberal leader Justin Trudeau’s political slogan has been “building the team and the plan.” So far, his “team” will be forced to be pro-choice and pro-marijuana, and his “plan” is legalizing marijuana, being against fighting terrorism, and placing a price on carbon.
Seriously. That’s where the Liberals are at two years after electing Trudeau as their leader. The Liberals have still yet to release a platform, or express any coherent plan about anything really. The scant positions they have released - being against fighting terrorism, implementing a carbon tax, and cancelling tax cuts for families and seniors - have gone largely underreported and unappreciated.
All Thomas Mulcair has to do for the left-wing vote is not be Justin Trudeau, which we has done quite well and quite capably. The Liberals’ position of vacuous nothingness should be garnering far more attention than it has been – the Press Gallery has only started to actually seriously question Trudeau – but Trudeau has been ably abetted by a series of New Democrats’ missteps.
First came the revelation that the New Democrats had spent millions of dollars of taxpayers’ money mailing partisan materials. Taxpayers’ money is provided to MPs for parliamentary mailings, not partisan mailings. The House of Commons pegged this cost at $1.3 million. Those included pro-NDP mailings into ridings undergoing a by-election, meaning Elections Canada is now investigating too. (I won’t hold my breath for a Council of Canadians campaign against the NDP’s “electoral fraud,” though.)
Then came the revelation that the New Democrats had spent millions of dollars creating beachhead partisan offices in Quebec City, Montreal, and Toronto under the guise of being “satellite” parliamentary offices. The House of Commons pegged this cost at $2.7 million, and divided the cost between the 68 NDP MPs who were participating in this scam.
The bill for the illegal satellite offices came due on March 31, 2015, making the NDP MPs’ salaries eligible for wage garnishment. Surely it would be record-breaking – perhaps for the first time in Canadian history? – that an Opposition MP’s salary would be garnished in order to make taxpayers whole again following the MPs’ allegedly illegal behaviour? For all the recent talk about a $90,000 cheque, why isn’t the media talking more about an amount 45 times larger – the $4 million the NDP took from Canadians?
Most recently, we’re finding out that New Democrat MPs have been using their parliamentary email accounts and riding offices to stage partisan re-election canvassing events. The use of parliamentary resources – staff, printing, and phones, for example – for political activity is prohibited. Every time someone mentions this, Mulcair screams “conspiracy” or “kangaroo court” or something else that doesn’t change the fact that his party has become mired in scandalous rule-breaking behaviours that have cost Canadians money.
All of these scandals demonstrate that the NDP is not serious about respecting its position as Official Opposition, let alone being a “government-in-waiting.” Thomas Mulcair has already arrogantly refused to testify again before a House of Commons committee to answer questions on his parties’ allegedly illegal activities.
With allegations and errors like these, Canadians have to ask themselves why the New Democrats believe they deserve to form government in 2015, let alone why they deserve to remain as Official Opposition. Until the NDP answers that question, the Liberals will continue to get away with their platform of vacuous nothingness.

Saturday, January 3, 2015


Thanks for visiting my website!  Take a look around, enjoy my articles, and spend some time in the library.

Order a copy of Liars: The McGuinty-Wynne Record, the only book on the market about Ontario's disastrous government under Dalton McGuinty and Kathleen Wynne.

- Daniel